SURVIVING THE PEACE
The Struggle for Postwar Recovery in Bosnia-Herzegovina
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August 12, 2020
Prijedor anniversaries; Rewarding war criminals; Corona update
This past month has not been a newsy time in Bosnia-Herzegovina. That's probably
a good thing, since most news these days seems to be bad. So the present blog
entry will be an update on some commemorations and some low-grade news that's
taken place since I last wrote.
Prijedor
July and August are customarily the time of commemorations in Prijedor
municipality, as the anniversaries of several important war-time events fall in
this period, for example, the massive attack on the Bosniak settlements on the
Left Bank of the Sana where at least 1500 people were killed in a few days; the
revelation of the concentration camps; and the eventual disbanding of the worst
of those camps, including the one at Omarska.
More than 3,000 non-Serb citizens of Prijedor municipality were killed or went
missing during the war, with attacks on Bosniak and Croat populations starting
in May of 1992, and concentration camps (including the notorious Keraterm,
Trnopolje, and Omarska sites) being formed at about the same time. To date the
remains of nearly 2,600 victims have been discovered at over 70 mass graves
(some reports count 98 sites), with almost 600 people still missing. In recent
years 435 remains were found at
Tomašica, including 275 complete bodies, and other remains were found under the
cliffs at Korićanske stijene. A new search at Tomašica was undertaken in late
July, but no new remains were found.
On the annual funeral date of July 20, six recently identified remains were
reburied in the cemetery at Kamičani near Kozarac. Five of these had been
discovered at Korićanske stijene. Some 30 remains were supposed to be reburied.
But relatives of the victims were unable to travel to Bosnia because of the
pandemic, so many reburials were postponed. The number of remains discovered and
identified decreases each year; last year nearly 80 were found and reburied.
The head
imam of the Bosnian Islamic community, Reis-ul-ulema Husein efendija Kavazović,
spoke at the funeral in Kamičani. He declared that genocide had been committed
in Prijedor. This should not be a controversial statement if one briefly
examines the clear and simple legal definition of the term in the UN Convention
on the Crime of Genocide, especially Article II,
here.
But given that atrocity denial and historical revisionism are a full-time
avocation for the apologists for the war criminals, Kavazović's message needs to
be repeated. And just as significant as the ongoing denial is the failure of the
ICTY and other international criminal tribunals to see fit to acknowledge
genocide anywhere other than Srebrenica.
Several high-level war criminals were charged with genocide elsewhere other than
Srebrenica, but they were not convicted. Radovan Karadžić was acquitted of that
one charge, as was Ratko Mladić. The appeal in Mladić's case is still pending,
and it's anyone's guess whether he will even live to see a final conviction,
with delays piling up due both to his poor health and to logistical
complications caused by the corona epidemic. But it is very doubtful that there
will be a reversal in his acquittal for genocide outside of Srebrenica. My
hypothesis is that the international community is content to boil the atrocities
of the Bosnia war down to one symbolic venue in order, among other things, to
evade the guilt that goes along with having allowed so many vicious war crimes
to happen.
So, honors to Reis Kavazović for speaking the truth. And for that matter, a
resolution has also been introduced in the Canadian Parliament recently,
acknowledging that genocide took place in Prijedor municipality.
The annual commemoration at the former concentration camp at Omarska took place
on August 6, that being the only date of the year when authorities allow
survivors to visit the mining compound. More than 6,000 men, and a few dozen
women, had been confined at Omarska, and at least 700 were killed there. This
year the commemoration was sparsely attended, again due to the constraints of
the epidemic.
There was also a commemoration on the anniversary of the revelation of the
existence of the concentration camp at Trnopolje, just across the highway from
Kozarac. Some 23,000 people had been held there, mainly women, children, and
older people. Compared to Omarska, survival was more possible at Trnopolje but
still, many people were raped or beaten there, and there were periodic murders
as well. The commemoration, usually held on the grounds of the former
concentration camp, was held this year in Kozarac for reasons of public safety
due to the virus.
Denial and Rewarding War Criminals
The denial of wartime atrocities continues to thrive, with the historical
revisionists continuing to turn out books glorifying the crimes. The gallery of
convicted luminaries including Radovan Karadžić, Vojislav Šešelj, Biljana
Plavšić, Milan Lukić of Višegrad notoriety, Fikret Abdić, Vinko Pandurević, and
Jadranko Prlić have all written books justifying their wartime behavior. I'm
reasonably sure most of them would have been shot or hung, had they been tried
at Nuremberg in the 1940s. Instead, they are authors—and some of them are
already out of prison. (For more on this, see "State
of Denial: The Books Rewriting the Bosnian War.")
This is just the tip of the iceberg of the denial industry. There's much more,
which you can research at the Balkan Witness site
here.
Meanwhile, of late there's also been a rash of unwarranted honors bestowed on
war criminals. For example, Croatian President Zoran Milanović awarded Zlatan
Mijo Jelić, a retired general in the Bosnian HVO (Croat Defense Council)
recognition for his "contribution to the liberation of Croatia."
Jelić had been indicted by the Bosnian state prosecution for war crimes in the
Mostar region, including ordering the use of Bosniak prisoners from the
Croat-run Heliodrom concentration camp to be used as human shields and for
forced labor during fighting between separatist Croats and Bosnian government
forces. At least 50 prisoners were thus killed and nearly 200 wounded. Jelić
went on the lam to Croatia in 2012 and renounced his Bosnian citizenship, and
has thus not been available to face justice in Bosnia. When President Milanović
was criticized for this affront to justice and to the feelings of the Bosnian
victims of Croat war crimes in the Mostar area, he responded, "Not everyone who
has received punishment at The Hague is a war criminal."
Milanović's award to Jelić took place in the context of the Croatian
commemoration of Oluja (Operation Storm), the anniversary of the military
operation in which Croatian forces liberated part of Croatia from Serb
separatists occupying the area around Knin. Liberation is one thing, but
Croatian forces also expelled some 200,000 indigenous Serbs from that region:
these people ended up in parts of Bosnia and Serbia, and most have never come
back. Some dozens of elderly people who refused to leave their homes in this
operation were murdered, and soldiers torched hundreds of houses as a way of
saying, "Don't come back." Numerous soldiers were convicted of arsons and
looting, but prosecution for war crimes has been minimal.
For more on this history, see "Court
Records Reveal Croatian Units’ Role in Operation Storm Killings."
For the most part, the annual August anniversary commemorations of Oluja have
been a time of flag-waving and nationalist exultation for Croatia, and mourning
for Serbia. This year, in an unusual move toward tentative reconciliation, Boris
Milošević, a Croatian Serb who is Deputy Prime Minister of Croatia, attended the
commemoration. His grandmother was one of those killed during Oluja. Milošević
and his Croat colleagues expressed the hope that this could be a first step
toward gentler relations between Croats and Serbs region-wide—although Milošević
received serious criticism from Belgrade for his action. But if the move
heralded reconciliation between Croats and Serbs, Milanović's rewarding Zlatan
Mijo Jelić could only chill relations between Croatia and the Muslim population
of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
In nearby Serbia Svetozar Andrić, a Bosnian Serb and former commander of the
Birač Brigade of the Republika Srpska Army, was elected to Parliament in
Belgrade. As commander and later Chief of Staff of the Drina Corps, Andrić was
personally responsible for some atrocities and crimes against humanity in the
region around Zvornik and Vlasenica. He ordered the expulsion of the Bosniak
population of Zvornik, some 10,000 strong, and he gave the order to establish
the brutal Sušica concentration camp near Vlasenica. There, around 160 people
were murdered, and many people were raped or tortured.
Andrić is just one example of many convicted or accused war criminals among the
Serbs and Croats—and a few Bosniaks—who have not only been honored by their
peers, but elected to public office.
Further afield, a prominent British denier of wartime atrocities has also been
honored. That is Claire Fox, whom Prime Minister Boris Johnson just awarded a
life peerage to the House of Lords, the upper chamber of British Parliament. It
should be scandalous enough that Johnson also similarly awarded his own brother,
and the businessman son of a KGB spy, the peerage. But Fox is a particularly
shameful case. She was a member of the (Trotskyite) Revolutionary Communist
Party, then became a Brexit Party member and, in between, worked as co-publisher
of the Living Marxism magazine (LM).
This last is what particularly bothers people who care about human rights and
memory in Bosnia-Herzegovina, because it was that magazine that published
notorious war crimes denials and distortions of the history of atrocities around
Bosnia, especially pertaining to the concentration camps around Prijedor. LM had
published articles denying the genocide at Srebrenica, as well as an article by
a German writer distorting the nature of the Prijedor camps. When the media
outlet ITN (Independent Television Network) sued LM for libel, the magazine lost
and was forced to go out of business. But Fox continued to take the side of the
genocidaires, saying that Serbs were "routinely demonized" and that Serbia was
treated as a "pariah nation." She never apologized for her attacks on the truth.
Corona update
For the first couple of months of the pandemic, control of people's behavior in
Bosnia-Herzegovina was strict and spread of the virus was kept notably below
that of most of Europe. A "state of natural disaster" had been declared during
that time, but it was lifted in late May. In the ensuing period, just as was
seen in many other countries—and a number of US states—a "second wave" or spike
in infections took place in Bosnia. This coincided with the onset of summer
weather and, as elsewhere, a simple fatigue from observing intelligent safety
measures.
The result was a sudden uptick in infection cases that has lasted to today; in
recent days between 250 and 300 new cases have been registered each day. By late
July Bosnia had taken the unhappy position of having the highest number in
Europe of registered cases of infection per million people. To date nearly
15,000 people have been infected, with about 475 deaths. This in a population of
somewhat under three million. For a regularly updated tally of infections and
deaths worldwide and by country, click
here.
Prime Minister of the Federation Fadil Novalić
was quoted as saying eloquently, "The situation with the spreading of the
coronavirus is bad and we will have to do something." But the Federation's
Assistant Minister of Health Goran Čerkez stated that there will be no
"lockdown" (a word that has been assimilated directly into the Bosnian language)
because "no economy in the world would be able to withstand a new lockdown."
Čerkez declared that the biggest problems are large gatherings such as religious
observances, disco club events, and weddings. He particularly pointed to groups
of 300 or 400 people, saying that events must be restricted to 50 people
indoors, and 100 outdoors.
On the positive side, it was noted that the epidemic has prompted an increase in
agricultural production around the country, because anyone who owns even a
little land—and who probably has more spare time than before—is tending to that
land and growing food.
Bosnia is also buzzing with news that a Russian vaccine against the coronavirus
will be available soon, as we have also heard here in the US. The response in
Bosnia is another illustration of the chaos and idiocy that develops when
politics intervene in public health matters. That is, in the Republika Srpska,
authorities such as entity Prime Minister Radovan
Višković are promoting the idea of the use of the vaccine. But in the
Federation, authorities such as the above-mentioned Goran Čerkez are saying that
they are not interested in the insufficiently tested Russian vaccine, and that
they will follow the lead of the EU in selecting a well-tested vaccine, if and
when that should arrive.
Meanwhile,
employers in
Germany are complaining because of a shortage of workers due to restrictions in
immigration because of the epidemic. As I've noted elsewhere (see
here
and
here),
people from Bosnia and much of the rest of the Western Balkans have been making
an exodus to Germany and other parts of central and western Europe for many
years in search of employment and a more stable life. But Germany is now
limiting the influx of workers from the region to 25,000 per year—and employers
are worrying that with 150,000 German workers due to retire in the next few
years, many projects will simply have to shut down or will never be started.
Labor shortages are particularly felt in construction, medicine, and software
development. One analyst stated that foreign workers produce one third of the
entire gross domestic product of Germany.
And you might wonder what became of the case of the corrupt use of 10.5 million
KM in funds that the Federation allocated to buy ventilators from China (with a
significant kickback to the purchaser)? Well, as I've said before, "This is
Bosnia." At last recounting, Federation Prime Minister Novalić,
along with Fahrudin Solak and entrepeneur manque Fikret Hodžić were arrested on
suspicion of corruption, and placed under restrictive measures. Now on August 5
the Bosnian Court released the three from those measures—without discussing the
move with the prosecution. State prosecutors, in turn, appealed the move, but
the embezzlement
case remains on
that room-temperature back burner of justice until further notice.
There has been one other development in the case of the ventilators. Recently
the state-level Institute for Metrology (Institut za mjeriteljstvo)
determined that the ventilators that were purchased under shady conditions are
in fact usable in hospitals, although the Bosnian prosecutorial office
originally asserted that they were light-duty machines only suitable for use in
emergency vehicles. It turned out that the prosecutors had employed an
unauthorized analyst to make this determination. Now, the ACM812A respirators,
manufactured by the state-owned Chinese company Beijing Aerospace Changfeng, are
being allocated to hospitals throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina. But meanwhile, the
Chinese corporation is threatening to sue Bosnia for millions in damages to
their reputation.
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